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¹ Eph. 3:14-29.

² Like other early Scholastics, St. Bonaventure often identifies theology with the Scriptures, as both have revealed truth for their object. See his "Reductio artium ad theologiam" (to be published in Volume III of this series).

³ Jas. 1:17.

⁴ Eph. 3:15.

⁵ 1 Cor. 12:11.

⁶ Eph. 3:17.

⁷ Scripture originates from the Father of Lights, through the wisdom of the Word, by means of the Holy Spirit who inspired the writers. The readers, in turn, in order that their understanding may be firm, must receive within their hearts faith in Christ the Word, a faith given to them by the Spirit whom they receive through Christ from the Father.

⁸ 2 Cor. 5:6.

⁹ Rom. 12:3*

¹⁰ Cf. § 6.

¹¹ Jn. 6:69.

¹² Eph. 3:19.

¹³ ibid. 17.

¹⁴ This explanation of breadth, length, height, and depth is different from that given earlier in paragraph 3. The reason is that in the first explanation, Bonaventure considers these four aspects in relation to the INNER DEVELOPMENT of the Scriptures. Here, he considers them in relation to their EXTERNAL EXPRESSION, from the viewpoint of the student who is to "explore their unfolding."

¹⁵ This division of the Old Testament corresponds to that given in part III, section 32, of the "Centiloquium," a work generally attributed to Bonaventure. The five legal books are Genesis, Exodus, Leviticus, Numbers, and Deuteronomy. The ten historical books are Josue, Judges, Kings, Paralipomena, Esdras, Tobias, Judith, Esther, Job, and Machabees. The five sapiential books are Proverbs, Ecclesiastes, the Canticle of Canticles, Wisdom, and Ecclesiasticus (Sirach). The six prophetical books are Isaia, Jeremia (including Lamentations), Ezechiel, Daniel, the Psalms, and the Minor Prophets. The position occupied in this division by the book of Ruth is not apparent; nor is Baruch clearly placed, since the Minor Prophets cover the twelve prophets from Osee to Malachia. The matter is clarified, however, by a decision of the fourth session of the Council of Trent which established that Esdras would be divided into two books instead of three, the third being replaced by the book of Ruth, and that Baruch would be included with Jeremia. It seems quite probable that the decision to include Ruth with Esdras and Baruch with Jeremia was a return to an earlier division which the author of the "Centiloquium" had in mind.

The Douay edition of the Old Testament is divided into forty-six books, since it counts as a separate book each subdivision of Kings, Paralipomena, Esdras, and Machabees, and also counts separately Ruth, Lamentations, and Baruch.

¹⁶ In the writings of scriptural commentators, there is great variety-not to say great confusion - as regards the symbolical meaning of the third creature in Ezechiel's vision. The confusion is apparent in the translations of this passage, which make use of three different words: bull (taureau in the French "Bible of Jerusalem"), ox (currently used in English texts, following the Vulgate bos), and calf (ΜΌΣΧΟΣ in the Greek Septuagint, and vitulus in several Latin commentaries). The problem is worsened by the fact that the modern symbolism of these three words may be quite different from the allegorical meaning they had in ancient times. To our mind, the bull represents virility, the ox, brute strength, the calf, youth or springtime: three widely different notions. Which of these, if any, did the sacred author intend to convey? It is almost hopeless to seek an answer in medieval writings with their immense variety of interpretations. To limit ourselves to the ox alone, and to Bonaventure's interpretations of it, we find the following:

- The yoke of five oxen represents the useless concern of the five senses for the things of the earth (Dominica decima nona post Pentecosten, sermo I:I; Comment. in evangelium Lucae, XIV:42).

- The ox signifies prompt obedience (De purificatione beatae virginis Mariae, sermo II, in fine).

- The ox is a figure of the Jewish people because of the burden of legal servitude (Comment. in evangelium Lucae, XIII: 35).

- The plowing oxen are symbols of hard labor (Comment. in librum Ecclesiastae, III: v.8).

- The oxen are the preachers (Comment. in evangelium Lucae, II:102; Comment. in Ioannem, II:25, quoting Bede).

- The ox means the wise preacher, as opposed to the ass (Comment. in evangelium Lucae, XIV:13).

- The ox means Christ as a victim (Proemium commentarii in Lucam, 24).

All this is no great help when we read in the present passage of the "Breviloquium": in historialibus (libris) est fades bovis propter exempla virtutis. The two main difficulties are: the double meaning of the word virtus, which is either strength, or virtue; and the fact that the historical books seem to contain many more examples of wickedness than of virtue. Our interpretation "examples of moral strength" can be nothing more than a hopeful compromise.

¹⁷ Ez. 1:15ff.

¹⁸ Jn. 16:13.

¹⁹ In the medieval mind, the time of the creation of Adam coincided with the time of creation of the material universe, since man was made on the sixth day OF CREATION. When Bonaventure writes that the first age of the world extends from Adam to Noe, he actually means from creation to Noe.

²⁰ Since the death of Christ, the redeemed souls of the dead are in a state different from ours, a state that runs concurrently with our time and that will end on the day of judgment. It is this state of just souls which Bonaventure calls the seventh age OF THE WORLD, because it does in fact coincide with a period of the world's duration. The eighth age, however- the age of resurrection or glory- to which he refers in paragraph 1, is not an age OF THE WORLD since it occurs in heaven alone: but it is the eighth and final age OF MAN.

²¹ The logical connection between the Jewish exile and the creation of the fishes does not seem to be explained in any of Bonaventure's other works and has not been traced so far to any source.

²² Gn. 2:3.

²³ Here Bonaventure gives no parallel for the seventh age.

²⁴ Ps. 138:6.

²⁵ In Bonaventure's writings, Eternal Art means the wisdom of God as existing in the Word and applying to creation; or again, the perfect representative reason, within the Son, of all that the Father can bring forth, and particularly, of all that He proposes to bring forth by His action ad extra.

²⁶ cf. Gn. 28:12.

²⁷ Ps. 132:2*.

²⁸ cf. Jn. 1:3.

²⁹ cf. Col 2:3.

³⁰ cf. 2 Pt. 1:21.

³¹ cf. Jп. 16:13.

³² The expression "narrative modes" seems to refer to all the modes or ways enumerated in the first paragraph: narration, commandment, prohibition, etc.

³³ Mt. 24:35.

³⁴ ibid. 5.18-19.

³⁵ Jb. 28:11.

³⁶ Ps. 34:2*.

³⁷ ibid. 5:13*.

³⁸ ibid. 90:5*.

³⁹ Ct. 4:2.

⁴⁰ The Latin word secure may be either an adverb, meaning securely or safely, or the alternate ablative of securis, an axe. In this second sense, the translation would read: "If a man is to make his way in the forest of the Scripture, cutting through it with an axe and opening it out. ..." It is quite possible that this play on words was intended.

⁴¹ The branches of this "intelligible cross" are represented by the vertical axis from height to depth, and the horizontal axis from beginning to end, within which all things are contained.

⁴² In other words, God is its efficient, formal, exemplary, and final cause.

⁴³ cf. 1 Tm. 1:17.

⁴⁴ 1 Tm. 6:3.

⁴⁵ Within His own being.

⁴⁶ This list of attributes is given in § 2.

⁴⁷ The first mode of emanation, through nature, comes about in the production of the Son. It is called "generation" in regard to both Father and Son, for the Father engenders and the Son is engendered. It may also be called "begetting," for the Father begets and the Son is begotten.

The second mode of emanation, through the will, comes about in the production of the Holy Spirit. It might be called "spiration," for the Father and the Son spirate, while the Holy Spirit is spirated. Bonaventure, however, chose to introduce in the description of the second method the intransitive term "procession" as the counterpart of "spiration." So the two terms "spiration" and "procession" represent here A SINGLE MODE OF EMANATION as seen from the viewpoints, respectively, of Originators and Originated, and are therefore hyphenated; whereas they are used separately in § 4 to indicate DISTINCT RELATIONS.

⁴⁸ The following paragraphs are perhaps the most difficult to translate and also the hardest to understand in the whole "Breviloquium." The two usual obstacles are present- the density of the Latin language, and the technicality of the scholastic terms- but this being a summary of a much more extensive work, the "Commentaries," so much is expressed in so few lines that it implies in the reader a much more complete understanding of the background than is available even to the cultivated mind of our time. Breaking away from the policy expressed in the introduction to the first volume - not to provide explanations of the general principles of Scholastic Philosophy-we feel that a few explanatory footnotes are in order, first concerning two terms, "supposition" and "hypostasis."

The terms suppositum or "supposit" and suppositio or "supposition" are used IN THE FIELD OF LOGIC to indicate with what content a word is used. As Bonaventure himself explains, it may be used as designating an ESSENCE (God is the only omnipotent being), an individual PERSON (God is the author of creation), or an ABSTRACT IDEA (God is beyond the power of conceptual representation).

On the other hand, "hypostasis" is used IN THE FIELD OF METAPHYSICS: it signifies the underlying subject within whom properties or qualities are found. Hypostasis differs from person merely in this: the person is determinate, while the hypostasis is not. The person means "this particular rational being in whom properties are found," while the hypostasis means "that rational being, whoever it may be, in whom properties are found."

These explanations find their direct application in the translation of the most difficult sentence in this difficult passage: "Quinque modi dicendi, scilicet quis, qui, quae, quod et quid." Literally, this means: "Five manners of speaking, which one, one who, that which (feminine), that which, and what." Such transliteration of jargon would be meaningless. But in the light of our explanations, we may see that quis, (which one) points to a determinate person; qui (one who), to an indeterminate person, or hypostasis; quae (that which - feminine), to the concept, since it is understood to mean quae notio; quod (that which), to the concrete reality of what a thing is, or the substance; and quid (what), to the nature of what a thing is, or the essence. Hence, the translation: "Five modes of assertion, in terms of person, hypostasis, concept, substance, and essence." This is further explained in paragraph 5, where this same series is found literally in the Latin text, serving as a development of the series of relative pronouns.

⁴⁹ "Transire in substantiam," literally, "to go over into substance," is rendered as "to become substantive." The meaning is that such attributes as substance (real being, thing, etc.), quality (one, true, good, etc.), relation (fatherhood, sonship, etc.), quantity (immense, all-pervading, etc.), and action (creating, loving, redeeming, etc.) cannot be predicated of God ADJECTIVELY, which would imply the presence in God of accidents: they must BECOME SUBSTANTIVE, meaning that God is the supreme Being (and not has supreme Being); that He is Oneness, Truth, and Goodness as such (and not that He is One, True, and Good); that He is the very relation of Fatherhood or Sonship (and not related - see below); that He is Immensity as such (and not immense); and that He is the Creator as such (and not one who creates). Furthermore, everything that is properly said of God must contain implicitly the fullness of His Being, so that when we say, for instance, that God is Goodness, this also means that He is, in fact, everything else besides. But since the human mind cannot conceive God, the all-perfect and simple Being, as a whole, we can think of Him only in terms of distinct attributes between which there is no real distinction, but only a logical distinction due to the weakness of our intellect.

⁵⁰ For instance, fatherhood exists in the Father as an attribute of the Father, and as such "becomes substantive" by representing implicitly all that the Father is: when we say "Our Father," we refer to the whole Person. But fatherhood refers also to the Son, in which sense it is distinct from the Father and remains relation only; otherwise there would be no distinction between Father and Son. When Christ speaks of His Father, He refers to Their relationship.

⁵¹ The complete reasoning would read as follows: Some terms indicating relation may be predicated of one of the Persons only - Father, Son, begotten, spirated, etc. - and only in the singular. Others may be predicated of two of the Persons, in the singular in reference to one, or in the plural in reference to both: for instance, the Son PROCEEDS from the Father; the Son and the Holy Spirit PROCEED from the Father. Others again may be predicated of all three Persons, in either the singular or the plural: for instance, the Father is related to the Son; all three Persons are related to one another.

⁵² The attribute "Trinity" may be predicated of God substantially (may "become substantive"), in which case it implies all that God is, while placing the emphasis, by means of a logical distinction, upon the fact of His trineness. In this sense, "Trinity" means "God." But the same term "Trinity" may be applied to God to indicate only the threefold interrelationship between the Persons: in this sense, it is predicated, not substantially, but as a relation. Examples will show this point more clearly: "We adore the blessed Trinity" (substance). "It is in Trinity that the mystery of God's dynamic love is contained" (relationship).

⁵³ Some light may be obtained from a passage of Bonaventure's "Commentaries on the Sentences," where he is speaking of the names of God and goes on to explain:

"One manner in which attributes may be predicated in different ways is based upon a difference in the mode of being, secundum modum essendi, that is, a difference between names applying to a being which exists of itself and other names applying to one which exists by accident. And there is no possibility of attributing names to the Godhead according to this distinction, for such diversity presupposes a difference of essence between the beings spoken of. Hence, there is in reference to God but one method of predication [i. e., the substantial]. For all that is said of God is God Himself and His very substance." (I "Sent.," d. 22, a. 1, q. 4, concl.)

Now, in the present passage, Bonaventure refers, not to modum essendi (the essential mode of being), but to modos essendi sive emanandi (the variations - within a single mode of being - of the facts of either existing as does the Father, or emanating as do the Son and the Holy Spirit, each in His proper way). In this second sense, says Bonaventure, there is a difference between the names applied to the Godhead.

⁵⁴ We should note carefully that when Bonaventure gives, as an example of the third mode of distinction, the difference existing between goodness and wisdom, he is using these terms as substantive properties OF THE GODHEAD, and not as appropriated names of the Persons. It is true that, within the Godhead, the difference between goodness and wisdom is merely in the order of reason; but if we consider goodness to be the appropriated attribute of the Holy Spirit and to designate Him alone, and wisdom to be the appropriated attribute of the Son, then there is between these two terms as much difference as there is between the supposits, the Persons: and this would be an application of the first mode of distinction.

⁵⁵ Bonaventure explains this series of names in I "Sent.," d. 22, dub. 1: "Considering the distinction of names as being threefold, we may reduce them to the following division: every name of God is either literal or metaphorical; if literal, it concerns either the substance or the Persons. But the Master (Peter Lombard) further develops this distinction, in the sense that any name referring to the one substance may be related either to eternity or to time. The personal names also may refer either to eternity or to time, but they may do so in two ways, being either appropriated, as the name Father, or common, as the name Trinity; and in this sense there are six elements to the division."

Hence, the threefold division consists in this: 1) literal names concerning the substance; 2) literal names concerning the Persons; 3) metaphorical names. The sixfold division, which omits the metaphorical names, consists in this: 1) literal names of substance, in relation to eternity (God); 2) literal names of substance in relation to time (the Creator); 3) literal names of the Persons in relation to eternity, and common (the Trinity); 4) literal names of the Persons in relation to time, and common (the revealed Three); 5) literal names of the Persons in relation to eternity, and appropriated (Wisdom) ; 6) literal names of the Persons in relation to time, and appropriated (the Gift).

Bonaventure explains that difference IN THE ORDER OF REASON applies to names which differ by being either literal or metaphorical, eternal or temporal, common or appropriated. The difference between the names expressing either substance or Persons is not mentioned here, because such difference is not in the order of reason, but IN THE ORDER OF PREDICATION, according to the second mode of differing.

⁵⁶ That is, Christ, in that He is man by reason of the assumed humanity.

⁵⁷ cf. Jn. 14:23.

⁵⁸ cf. ibid. 1:32.

⁵⁹ cf. Acts 2:3.

⁶⁰ Here again the text is a summary of the "Commentaries," so tightly condensed as to be in some points almost unintelligible without expansion. The meaning of "both in manner and origin" is this: the dove and the tongues of fire, considered as general symbols, were destined in their MANNER to represent the Holy Spirit because the dove represents purity and perfection, and fire, the warmth of love; they were destined to do so in their ORIGIN because their symbolical meaning was concreated with their essence. Considered in this particular instance and in their particular MANNER OF BEING, the dove and the tongues of fire precisely represented the Holy Spirit because, in Bonaventure's opinion, both ceased to exist as soon as their function had been completed, and, furthermore, the tongues of fire did not burn. Bonaventure believes that they were real bodily beings, but not a real dove or real flames. He shares this opinion with Albert the Great, Peter of Tarentino, Richard of Middleton, and, in a sense, with Thomas Aquinas (S. I, q. 43, a. 7); although in another passage (S. III, q. 39, a. 7) where the whole question is elaborated, Aquinas concludes that the dove was a genuine dove. Another opinion - that both dove and fire were an illusion - is disproved by Bonaventure, who explains that they were offered to the senses for the sake of signifying something that was really present, and that an illusion would have been the equivalent of a fraud.

⁶¹ Meaning that the Holy Spirit does not beget or spirate any eternal Person, as do the Father and the Son.

⁶² Cf. footnote to page 49.

⁶³ Humanly speaking, the act of exemplating in God may be understood to consist in four elements: IDEATION, or rational planning; EXPRESSION, or setting forth the pattern in an intelligible form; EXECUTION, or bringing about the realization of the pattern as planned; while, overshadowing these three is the INTENTION, or purpose, by which the exemplated object obtains its final perfection, ordination toward its proper end.

⁶⁴ This seems to contradict a statement made in the preceding paragraph: that God knows future things as future. However, in paragraph five, Bonaventure is speaking as if God were considering the future from the viewpoint of man: in this sense, He presently knows future things as future. But in paragraph six, Bonaventure considers God in the no-time of His eternal duration: and in that sense, He is correctly said to see future things presently.

⁶⁵ The meaning of the expressions "will of good-pleasure" and "will of sign" becomes clear in the light of Bonaventure's own explanation:

"Therefore, we should realize that, as it is not absurd to call 'understanding' both the power to understand and what is understood, so also 'will' is said of both the power of willing and what is willed. Since the will of God is made known to us through what is willed, which serves as a visible sign - and a sign is something that makes something else come to mind when it offers itself to one of the senses (Cf. Augustine, II, 'De doctrina Christiana,' 1:1) - it follows that we divide the will of God into WILL OF GOOD-PLEASURE, and WILL OF SIGN." (I "Sent.," d. 45, a. 3, q. 1, concl.)

Hence, "will of good-pleasure" is God's will as existing in Him subjectively, and "will of sign" is the same will considered objectively in its manifestations or signs.

⁶⁶ cf. Ps. 36:27.

⁶⁷ This does not mean that God suddenly ceases to protect man against sin, but that when man, by an act of free will, decides to oppose God's will, the grace of God is taken away from him.

⁶⁸ Rom. 11:33-36.

⁶⁹ Bonaventure's description of the universe reflects the physical notions current in his time, borrowed mainly from Aristotle. The picture he thus presents is not, by modern standards, a scientific analysis of physical reality. It is, none the less, an artistically beautiful representation of order and harmony in the universe. Our modern scientific vision is more accurate in many details, and will probably continue to improve as time goes on. Yet, for all we know, it may at its best be almost as remote as this ancient poetry from an actual, full vision and understanding of what time and space contain. Bonaventure's theology, of course, is unaffected by his physical views. As will be noted later, he goes to great pains to avoid the pitfalls of astrology.

The wisdom of Bonaventure's position in these matters is clearly shown in a passage where, after discussing the nature of the "waters" that are above the firmament, he concludes:

"We might hold this third position as probable, since nothing seems to oppose it. But we must give particular attention to this: not to assert anything as certain in matters that are actually uncertain, for it is better to doubt piously than to make imprudent definitions." (II "Sent.," d. 14, p. I, a. 1, q. 1, conclusion)

And, later, when he speaks of the place occupied by the saints in heaven, he concludes: "But this we will know better when we see it." (ibid. a. 2, q. 1, in fine).

⁷⁰ Wis. 11:20.

⁷¹ In Bonaventure's writings, the expression status et complementum occurs several times. It is understandable only in terms of his cosmology, and of his belief that the material universe, and more particularly the "incorruptible" luminous bodies, will be rewarded at the end by ceasing to move and by receiving additional brilliance. The word status (static-ness, the condition of attained repose) indicates the ceasing of accidental motion, and applies also to the rational soul in the state of beatitude: Status поп est nisi in summo Bono (II "Sent.," a. 1, q. 1, 5) -"There is no repose except in the supreme Good." The word complementum refers to the superadded brilliance or glory which both heavenly bodies and human souls receive in their final state. This whole idea is based on the teachings of Aristotle, II "Metaph.," text. 5, ff.

⁷² MODE (of being) refers to the creature's dependency upon the efficient cause (a Deo - by the power of God); SPECIES, to the creature's conformity with the exemplary cause (secundum Deum- according to God); ORDER, to the creature's ordination toward the final cause (propter Deum - for God as an end).

⁷³ Gn. 1:1ff.

⁷⁴ Cf. chapters 3 and 5 below.

⁷⁵ Cf. prologue, p. 9.

⁷⁶ cf. Ecclus. 18:1*.

⁷⁷ Gn. 1:14.

⁷⁸ This whole theory is so remote from contemporary notions that it is hard to grasp. The basic points are the following: All material beings are composed of the four elements, each of which has its characteristic quality, and is predominantly either active or passive. These elements are: fire (hot, active), air (cold, active), water (wet, passive), earth (dry, passive). There is opposition between the elements because of their natural differences, and these differences result in interactions that depend on their active or passive quality. Opposition, therefore, means little more than "possibility of mutual active/passive action." These elements constitute the lower nature. They can be reconciled (brought together in harmony) only through the influence of an element which in itself is free from opposition because of its own perfection. This reconciling element belongs, not to the lower nature, but to the heavenly. It is sometimes called "light," at other times "quintessence," or fifth essence- the other four essences being the elements themselves. Because the planets are heavenly bodies, they participate in some way in this heavenly harmonious power of light or quintessence, and it is as such that they have an influence on physical bodies. The action of this heavenly power may lead to different degrees of harmony or, as Bonaventure has it, of "equality," which correspond more or less to our notion of individuation. In minerals, the individuation is merely accidental, since any piece of rock may be broken into smaller pieces of rock of the same nature. Plants cannot be so easily divided: they would generally die; animals cannot be divided at all (at least in the medieval conception); and the idea of dividing man is unthinkable.

⁷⁹ 2 Cor. 5:1.

⁸⁰ Gn. 1:1-2.

⁸¹ Ecclus. 18:1*.

⁸² cf. Gn. 1:2, Septuag.

⁸³ Here, our author yields completely to his trinitarian bent: he manages to cram the notion of triplicity eight times into a single grammatical sentence.

⁸⁴ Cf. chapter 7.

⁸⁵ Cf. prologue, p. 9.

⁸⁶ Bonaventure, following Augustine, assumes that each of the seven days of creation - that is, the production of each category of creatures and the final day of repose - brought about a corresponding progress in the rational illumination of the pure spirits and in their affective conversion to God. (Cf. II "Sent.," d. 12, a. 1, q. 2).

⁸⁷ KNOWLEDGE OF DUSK: that knowledge by which a rational being knows an object in itself through the species. Every creature, in itself, is darkness, while God alone is light. (Jn. 1:5)

KNOWLEDGE OF DAWN: that knowledge by which a rational creature sees an object directly in the Word, or Eternal Art; that is, in the Second Person, the Wisdom of God, in the act of creating.

KNOWLEDGE OF FULL DAYLIGHT, which is mentioned later, indicates the highest possible degree of knowledge, corresponding to the vision of God face to face.

⁸⁸ Heb. 1:14.

⁸⁹ This idea of God's indirect action upon man through intermediate beings (pure spirits), which Bonaventure supports with a quotation from Denis Pseudo-Areopagite, seems inconsistent with the Epistle to the Colossians, 2:4-23, where St. Paul condemns the worship of intermediate beings, the "elements of the world," to which the Colossians seem to have given precedence even over Christ. Although what St. Paul condemns there is the excessive worship of these beings, and not undue belief in their action, he clearly states that in Him [Christ] dwells all the fullness of the Godhead bodily, and in Him who is the Head of all Principality and Power you have received; and he continues by listing the benefits Christ has bestowed directly upon man. Then he writes: Disarming the Principalities and Powers, He displayed them openly, leading them away in triumph by force of it [the cross]. Although it might be said that this text refers only to evil spirits, the footnote to the Confraternity translation confirms the opinion that St. Paul referred to all spirits: "Through Him, not through angels, we may become partakers of the divine nature" (2 Pet. 1:4). (See p. 145.).

⁹⁰ Jn. 8:34

⁹¹ Two early codices contain the following explanation: The earth corresponds to touch, water to taste, air to hearing, fire or vapor to smell, while the fifth essence or "quintessence," which comprises the whole luminous nature with its spheres, corresponds to the sense of sight.

⁹² Gn. 2:7.

⁹³ Gn. 1:28.

⁹⁴ ibid. 2:17.

⁹⁵ cf. Ps. 36:27.

⁹⁶ Ez. 2:9*; Ap. 5:13.

⁹⁷ Here, the first condition is universal, the second is based on the nature of the rational soul, the third is moral.

⁹⁸ Gn. 1:3ff.

⁹⁹ Bonaventure refers to this same triple biblical expression in his "Journey of the Mind to God." (See volume I of present series, p. 10.) In both instances, he is quoting Augustine, "De Genesi ad litteram," II, 8:16-20; IV, 29:46 and 31:48. In the accounts of creation, there are three phases: the planning in the eternal Art: Let it be (Fiat); the execution as intelligible to the created intellect: God made it (Fecit); and the end result, or the creature itself: And it was made (Factum est). Accordingly, the creature may be known in three ways: in the eternal Art, in the created mind, and in itself.

¹⁰⁰ Cf. p. 71, and § 2 in fine.

¹⁰¹ Freedom of the will, which is first said to be good, is now explained to be neither entirely evil nor entirely good. This results from extreme condensation of style. We should supply some such transition as: "Now, to answer the objection of those who claim that free will is entirely evil, and also of those who claim it is entirely good, we must hold that. ..."

¹⁰² Gn. 3:1, 4, 5.

¹⁰³ There is here an amusing logical circle: Bonaventure states that the tempter was permitted to take a serpent's form because of its being a symbol of cunning and evil. But he fails to realize that if all serpents suffer from this aspersion, it is mainly because the Bible teaches us that a serpent was responsible for the fall.

¹⁰⁴ cf. Gn. 3:3.

¹⁰⁵ The classical Scholastic division of the powers of the soul into the irascible, the concupiscible, and the rational is much easier to understand when the technical terms are replaced by others more familiar to the contemporary mind. In Bonaventure's writings, the "irascible appetite" is that power by which the soul seeks to defend what it has and to overcome opposition in the obtaining of some desired object; the "concupiscible appetite" is that by which it tends toward the desirable object; the "rational appetite" is that by which it seeks to obtain knowledge of the intelligible object. Hence, the three powers could be more clearly called the AGGRESSIVE, the AFFECTIVE, and the INTELLECTIVE.

¹⁰⁶ cf. Gn. 3:6.

¹⁰⁷ 1 Jn. 2:16.

¹⁰⁸ Cf. part II, chapter 11, page 101.

¹⁰⁹ Meaning that disorder began with the highest faculty, the will, and went down to disturb the harmony of the senses.

By saying that disorder "went down to the bottom," Bonaventure indicates that concupiscence of the flesh is a disorder consequent upon original sin, and not to be identified with it. He thus avoids the mistake of several medieval and a few recent theologians who believe that original sin is sexual in essence. He, on the contrary, clearly sees in it an act originating from the superior powers by which man is distinct from animal, an act motivated by pride, and spiritual in essence. Yet, in most of his writings on matters of sex, he seems to imply that, although original sin was not sexual in essence, the sex relationship was essentially vitiated by it. In this he disagrees with his master, Alexander of Hales.

¹¹⁰ cf. 1 Tm. 2:14.

¹¹¹ Gn. 3:7.

¹¹² ibid. I7ff.

¹¹³ cf. Eph. 2:3.

¹¹⁴ Ps. 24:10*.

¹¹⁵ The Church presently teaches that infants who die before baptism do enjoy perfect natural happiness.

¹¹⁶ Cf. preceding paragraphs; chapter 5; part II, chapter 11.

¹¹⁷ This statement was made, not by Augustine, but by Fulgentius. Bonaventure exposes the same theory elsewhere: "Original sin is a consequence, not of the conjugal act as such, but of the lust attached to it." ("Quaestiones disputatae," q. 3, a. 1, ad 7) Thomas Aquinas does not make this distinction, but teaches merely that "the first sin of the first man is transmitted to his descendants by way of origin." ("Summa theologica," la Пае, q. 81, a. 1, thesis)

For a fuller comment regarding teachings on this subject, Scholastic and modern, see footnote on pages 271-272 of this volume.

¹¹⁸ Jas. 1:14-15.

¹¹⁹ Early theologians often called sensuality "feminine" (rendered here by mulier, woman), and rationality "masculine" (rendered by vir, man), arguing that the senses must be subject to reason as Eve was subject to Adam. It is interesting to note that Bonaventure, applying this system, seemingly concludes that Eve sinned through the "masculine" principle because she willed the act formally, while Adam sinned through the "feminine" principle because he was more intent upon the sensual purpose than upon the act itself. (Cf. II "Sent.," d. 14, p. II, a. 1, q. 1; d. 24, p. II, a. 2, q. 2).

¹²⁰ Ecclus. 10:15*.

¹²¹ 1 Jn. 2:16.

¹²² The repetition in our translation of the word "pride" as being the source of actual sin, one of the capital sins, and also one of the temptations of the world (the pride of life) is justified by the use in the Latin text of the single word superbia. In the three cases, however, there are nuances of meaning. Pride, as the source of actual sin, is the general tendency to further one's immediate good through one's own means without consideration for the will of God; as a capital sin, it is the exaltation of self over neighbor, or in the case of Luciferian pride, to equality with God; and as a temptation of the world, it is excessive attention to temporal honors and glory.

Thomas Aquinas, however, following Gregory, identifies this temptation of the world with the first capital sin, which he calls "vainglory," thus reserving pride in its specific sense as the source of all sin.

¹²³ See footnote p. 113.

¹²⁴ The capital sin of ENVY implies two notions: resentment toward the neighbor on account of his success, and inordinate desire for his goods. Bonaventure's explanation considers envy in this secondary meaning. SLOTH is to be understood as lack of relish for spiritual goods and apathy in their pursuit.

¹²⁵ Rom. 1:28.

¹²⁶ See footnote p. 71.

¹²⁷ Mt. 12:32.

¹²⁸ Jn. 1:17.

¹²⁹ Ps. 24:10*

¹³⁰ cf. Tm. 1:17; 2:5.

¹³¹ After quoting Augustine, Bonaventure provides the metaphysical foundation for the difficulty of the work of restoration.

¹³² cf. Jn. 1:3, 14.

¹³³ Phil 2:7.

¹³⁴ From the order of the Persons of the Trinity (Father/power, Son/wisdom, Holy Spirit/goodness, corresponding to imitation, knowledge, and love), Bonaventure changes to the order of succession in time, knowledge, love, and imitation.

¹³⁵ Jn. 1:14.

¹³⁶ Phil. 2:7.

¹³⁷ The idea that a created being could have acted in some way for the salvation of mankind seems strange to the modern mind. It is, however, but an echo of the Platonic notion of the Demiurge, a secondary being, below God but above man, responsible for creation. St. Paul strongly opposed such a notion (see footnote to p. 94), but it was revived in the works of the Gnostics and condemned again by the Church.

¹³⁸ The angels properly so called are not saved by men, but, as Bonaventure explains, men, elevated by the grace of Christ, constitute in a sense a tenth angelic choir.

¹³⁹ cf. Col. 1:20.

¹⁴⁰ This means that the created soul of Christ acted, not as a necessary bond between the Divinity and the flesh, but as a fitting intermediary.

¹⁴¹ In III "Sent.," a. 3, q. 1-2, Bonaventure gives the explanation 1) that as regards its bulk, the body of Christ was brought to completion gradually, but 2) that as regards the formation and distinction of its members, it was perfect from the instant of conception: A) because it was fitting that Christ possess THE WHOLE of human nature from the beginning; B) because, in this miraculous event, God's power would not be restricted to the successive action of nature, but would act instantly; and C) because as soon as Mary gave her consent, she became the Mother of the whole Christ.

These notions coincide with many medieval representations of the Annunciation, where a tiny, perfectly formed human being (homunculus) is shown coming down upon a beam toward the Virgin Mary. (See, for instance, several French editions of the "Book of Hours" and the Flemish "Merode Altarpiece" recently acquired by the New York Metropolitan Museum for the Cloisters.)

Byzantine icons of the Mother of God (Theotokos) have the Child in a circle representing the womb; but, probably by the same theological reasoning, the Child is beyond infancy.

¹⁴² Gal. 4:4, 5.

¹⁴³ cf. Num. 32:25.

¹⁴⁴ The play on the word "Mediator," interpreted here as one who came between two groups of men, is definitely weak, since Christ is fundamentally the Mediator between God and men.

¹⁴⁵ Phil 3:14.

¹⁴⁶ Ps. 83:8*

¹⁴⁷ See footnote, page 174.

¹⁴⁸ Mk. 11:9.

¹⁴⁹ Mt.2l:9.

¹⁵⁰ Rom. 9:5.

¹⁵¹ Jn. 1:14, 16.

¹⁵² See footnote p. 174. Several codices have sacramenta, sacraments, which, in the light of the second paragraph of present chapter and of the first paragraph of chapter 10, seems to be a better reading.

¹⁵³ cf. I Cor. 6:15, 19.

¹⁵⁴ In order to understand how this series of oppositions introduces the explanation that follows, we should realize that each opposition is a development of the last term of the preceding pair, so that the schematical pattern appears thus:

Christ is both God and Man. As Man, He is both in the state of beatific vision, and living on earth. As living on earth, He is under the influence of both grace and nature. In the order of nature, He knows through the intellect and through the senses.

The words in small capitals indicate the five ways in which Christ is able to know; the brackets show their logical relationship.

¹⁵⁵ As explained in "Quaestiones de scientia Christi," q. 7, conclusion, this refers to the "possibles," potentially infinite in number, which the created soul of Christ knew only by an act that EXCEEDED the natural powers of such a soul.

¹⁵⁶ Heb. 5:8.

¹⁵⁷ See footnote p. 161.

¹⁵⁸ The first two methods of knowledge consider Christ in His eternity, and therefore the verbs are in the present tense: "has," and "grasps"; the last three consider Him in His historical humanity, and therefore the verbs are in the past tense: "knew," "understood," and "perceived."

¹⁵⁹ In the Latin, stola, "the robe of immortality."

¹⁶⁰ cf. Rom. 3:24.

¹⁶¹ Is. 26:22.

¹⁶² Ps. 15:2.

¹⁶³ Mt. 26:39.

¹⁶⁴ 1 Tm. 2:5.

¹⁶⁵ The term viator, the wayfarer or pilgrim, is contrasted here with comprehensor, the possessor or embracer, expressing the state of one who enjoys the beatific vision.

¹⁶⁶ Mt. 26:39.

¹⁶⁷ Lk. 22:42.

¹⁶⁸ Is. 53:12.

¹⁶⁹ 1 Jn. 3:16.

¹⁷⁰ Rom. 8:32.

¹⁷¹ Phil. 2:7, 8.

¹⁷² 1 Cor. 15:54.

¹⁷³ There is here a classic instance of the difficulties of translating medieval Latin into English. Such expressions as "through living faith or through the sacraments of faith" may sound very good but certainly convey no clear meaning: hence a mere verbal transposition is insufficient, if not accompanied by an explanatory note.

Bonaventure himself explains that the sacrament of faith par excellence is Baptism (cf. IV "Sent.," d. 29, a. 2, q. 1); he also lists as sacraments of faith Confirmation (cf. ibid., d. 26, a. 1, q. 3), and Holy Eucharist (cf. ibid., a. 2, q. 1). Furthermore, he believes that all the sacraments of the New Law were prefigured in the Old, and that these prefigurations, although imperfect, were effective to a certain point (cf. ibid., d. 2, a. 1, q. 2). Christ, then, by going down to hell, delivered the souls of those who were justified "through living faith" as such, or through "the sacraments of faith," Baptism, Confirmation, and the Holy Eucharist, or their Old Law prefigurations, which we may assume to be purification, circumcision, and the rites of Passover.

There seems to be no reference here to salvation outside of the Church, or to "baptism of desire."

For note on limbo, see p. 175.

¹⁷⁴ This refers obviously, not to the souls of the damned, but to the souls of the just who were awaiting the merits of Christ and the opening by Him of the gates of heaven.

¹⁷⁵ Again, this means, not that all souls in the state of mortal sin were restored to the state of grace, but that restoration to grace was offered by Christ to all the sinful souls who would repent and make use of His merits.

¹⁷⁶ Ps. 67:19*.

¹⁷⁷ cf. Gn. 3:24.

¹⁷⁸ 1 Cor. 15:4.

¹⁷⁹ cf. Mt. 7:7; Lk.11:8.

¹⁸⁰ 1 Cor. 12:8-11.

¹⁸¹ Jas. 1:17.

¹⁸² Ap. 22:1.

¹⁸³ The inpouring of grace is a Deo, secundum Deum, and propter Deum, meaning that grace is brought forth by God, conforms to God, and has God as an end. Hence, the rational faculties, by which the soul is an image of God, will be restored to their former perfection as they were originally BROUGHT FORTH BY GOD; restored to righteousness since they now CONFORM TO GOD, and restored to meriting the reward since they are now fit to enjoy GOD AS AN END.

See footnote p. 71.

¹⁸⁴ In scholastic writings, fruitio means the enjoyment of a good as an absolute end. When medieval writers indicate that created goods cannot be the object of fruitio, they mean, not that they cannot be enjoyed, but that they cannot be sought finaliter, as sources of absolute delight.

¹⁸⁵ This corresponds to what modern theologians would call actual grace. It applies to an individual act and disappears with the completion of this act, whereas sanctifying grace remains as a state.

¹⁸⁶ cf. Ps. 15:2*.

¹⁸⁷ cf. Gn. 15:1*.

¹⁸⁸ Bonaventure has indicated here three categories of merit: meritum congrui, meritum digni, and meritum condigni.

Meritum congrui is a disposition toward something that fits the nature of the subject, but remains short of its perfect fulfillment. It is founded, not on any right, but on God's benevolence alone, and hence is not a merit properly so called, but AN APPROPRIATE FOUNDATION (for a favor).

Meritum digni is a disposition toward something essentially required by the nature of the subject. It is founded on natural justice, and is A JUST TITLE (to a reward).

Meritum condigni is a disposition toward something completely fulfilling the subject. It is founded on divine justice, in the sense that God always remains faithful to His promises. It is, then, AN ABSOLUTE RIGHT (to a reward).

¹⁸⁹ 1 Tm. 2:5.

¹⁹⁰ Bonaventure does not refer here to any particular act (for such are performed with the assistance of actual grace), but to all the future acts of a life influenced by sanctifying grace.

¹⁹¹ Rom. 9:16.

¹⁹² cl. 1 Cor. 4:7.

¹⁹³ As explained in paragraph 6 below, since charity itself is the form of all virtues, it cannot exist without a form. In other words, after a mortal sin has been committed, all the other virtues continue to exist formlessly, but charity disappears completely.

¹⁹⁴ See footnote p. 113.

¹⁹⁵ Is. 11:2-3*.

¹⁹⁶ Both here and in the beginning of the next paragraph, the Latin has obliquitates vitiorum, the deviations of the vices, which, as indicated in this same paragraph, are overcome by the habits of the virtues. The reader would expect instead, in both places, impedimenta symptomatum, the difficulties of the after-effects, which had been related to the gifts (and not mentioned again). However, in the preceding chapter dealing with the habits of the virtues, these virtues are nowhere paired with opposite vices, as one would have expected from Bonaventure. Apparently, even he who is so subtle in discovering relationships between opposing series seems to have despaired of finding a logical link between the seven virtues and the seven vices. Having failed to link the vices with the virtues which specifically oppose them, he now links them with the gifts. Since he parallels virtues with gifts in § 5, he might, by eliminating the middle term - gifts - have gone on to establish the following relationships (the first pair of which seems hard to conciliate): faith/ gluttony, hope/covetousness, charity/lust, prudence/anger, temperance/pride, fortitude/sloth, justice/envy. The fact that Bonaventure did not draw this final parallelism shows precisely at which point he refuses to submit to an artificial frame.

¹⁹⁷ See footnote p. 113.

¹⁹⁸ Phil 2:15.

¹⁹⁹ There is here an apparent lack of logic, for in paragraph 3, above, Bonaventure, pairing the gifts with the capital sins, states that it is wisdom which helps in overcoming lust.

²⁰⁰ Wis.7:11.

²⁰¹ In the terminology of Bonaventure, the word "contemplation" does not have any connotation of a supernatural activity, as it would have in the present. Contemplation is merely the highest level of intellectual activity by which the mind beholds the truth. Since, however, Bonaventure's philosophy is basically Platonic and Augustinian, this natural contemplation of the truth is the contemplation of something innate and absolute that is not founded upon sense experience.

This intellectual contemplation, in the writings of our author, is always preceded by what he calls the "hierarchizing of the soul"; that is, its setting in order by way of purgation, illumination, and union (perfection). This last stage, again, is not mystical union (which begins only beyond this point) but is the summit of the natural operation of the mind.

²⁰² " ... et sic arcanum contemplationis a lato consummatur quasi in cubito." In a play on the word "arcanum," (hidden, secret, closed) contemplation is likened to the "ark" of Noe, broad at the bottom but only one cubit wide at the top. Cf. Septuagint: In building the ark thou shall narrow the breadth and finish it above at a cubit. (Thomson-Muses translation, The Falcons' Wing Press, quoted with permission.)

This, in Bonaventure's mind, represents contemplation rising from a broad platform of knowledge to the understanding of the oneness of God.

²⁰³ cf. Gn. 6:15-16.

²⁰⁴ Lk. 1:79.

²⁰⁵ Augustine, Hugh of St. Victor, and others before Bonaventure had held that there were seven, and not eight, beatitudes. The reason seems weak: the beatitudes are seven in number when considered in the order of gradation, that is, of increasingly high level, the supreme level being peace, and the suffering of persecution for the sake of justice being an annex or introduction to this highest state. These same authors do admit, however, that in the order of essence the beatitudes are eight in number. Yet, because of the medieval obsession with the symbolism of numbers and the scholastic fondness for symmetrical developments, they reduce the beatitudes from eight to seven by a trick of logic in order to make them conform and compare with the sevenfold series of the virtues, vices, or capital sins, gifts of the Holy Spirit, etc. (Cf. III "Sent.," d. 36, q. 1, scho.)

²⁰⁶ Cf. Mt. 5:3ff.

²⁰⁷ cf. Gal. 5:22f.

²⁰⁸ Ps. 24:10*.

²⁰⁹ Prv. 20:28.

²¹⁰ cf. Phil 4:7.

²¹¹ 1 Tm. 6:10.

²¹² Mt. 19:21.

²¹³ cf. Osee 6:6*; Mt. 9:13; 12:7.

²¹⁴ The number 12 is called a "number of abundance" because the sum of its possible multiples amounts to more than itself. Indeed, 1+2 + 3 + 4 + 6 amount to 16.

²¹⁵ cf. Jn. 1:14.

²¹⁶ cf. 1 Jn. 1:1.

²¹⁷ Jn. 13:1.

²¹⁸ Gal.5:22f.

²¹⁹ Gn. 28:12.

²²⁰ cf. 3 Kgs. 10:18.

²²¹ Ct. 5:16.

²²² 1 Pt. 1:12.

²²³ Ps. 41:1.

²²⁴ Ct. 1:3*.

²²⁵ Ps. 138:11.

²²⁶ cf.Ap.2:17.

²²⁷ There seems to be no doubt about the substance of the Creed being of apostolic origin. But the attribution of actual authorship to the twelve apostles - each apostle being supposedly the author of one article - is no more than a pious legend which began in the sixth century and was perpetuated by later religious writers.

²²⁸ 2 Cor. 10:5.

²²⁹ This apparently refers to the species of the Holy Eucharist.

²³⁰ cf. Heb. 1:3; Jn. 1:1.

²³¹ The reason why "the reward of the fatherland" is mentioned here before "the merit of the way" is that, in Bonaventure's mind, the understanding of truth "as it exists in its own proper nature" constitutes the reward of the fatherland, whereas the understanding of truth "as it exists in the assumed humanity of Christ" constitutes the merit of the way.

²³² cf. Ар. 1:13, 16.

²³³ The Latin has lapidem vivum, a live stone, meaning a stone or gem taken from the bedrock and cut to fitting shape (cf. Cornelius a Lapide, "Commentaria," in Pt. 2:4).

Bonaventure seems to oppose the "live" stone to the "dead" boulders taken up from the riverbed in the Old Testament story. Incidentally, these boulders were used to erect, not an altar, but a monument at the site where the Twelve Tribes had passed the Jordan.

Concerning the supposed authorship of each individual apostle, see footnote p. 207.

²³⁴ cf. Jos. 4:2ff.

²³⁵ Gn. 1:31.

²³⁶ Mt. 22:40.

²³⁷ This enumeration omits the created pure spirits. Perhaps, in Bonaventure's mind, they were included in the category "neighbors." They are certainly included among the "other beings which through Him are made fit for beatitude."

²³⁸ cf. Mt. 22:40.

²³⁹ Jn. 17:22ff.

²⁴⁰ 1 Cor. 15:28.

²⁴¹ Ex. 31:18.

²⁴² cf. Mt. 19:21.

²⁴³ Gal. 4:24.

²⁴⁴ cf. Rom. 8:15.

²⁴⁵ cf. 2 Cor. 3:6; cf. Mt. 11:30; Acts l5:10.

²⁴⁶ Ex. 31:18.

²⁴⁷ Meaning dutiful and reverential love.

²⁴⁸ 1 Jn. 2:16.

²⁴⁹ cf. Rom. 8:26.

²⁵⁰ cf. Jas. 1:17.

²⁵¹ The charismatic favors - whose number has been contracted here from nine to seven - are not mentioned in the development that follows. This is more understandable than that they should have been mentioned at all. They are not conditions of salvation - and furthermore, their inclusion would have ruined the sevenfold pattern by adding an eighth category to the series.

²⁵² See part VII, chapter 8.

²⁵³ Ps. 118:164.

²⁵⁴ This is a surprisingly negative and limited view of the sacraments on the part of an author so generally ample and positive in his interpretations.

²⁵⁵ This implies both historical variations and numerical variety.

²⁵⁶ cf. Jn. 1:17.

²⁵⁷ See Prologue (2), On the Length of Holy Scripture, page 8.

²⁵⁸ 1 Cor. 1:24.

²⁵⁹ Once again, we have here an example of a systematic parallelism which, to say the least, seems artificial. The last three examples may appear to us as actually inaccurate in their excessively negative approach, but we should remember that Bonaventure is considering the sacraments under their remedial aspect. To us, the remedial is not the sole effect; we place increasing stress on the transforming and elevating union brought about by the reception of the Body and Blood of Christ.

²⁶⁰ Ct. 6:10.

²⁶¹ Eph. 5:32*.

²⁶² Such a view of the sacrament of Matrimony seems characteristic of most Scholastics. See chapter 13, particularly footnote p. 271.

²⁶³ cf. Heb. 9:15.

²⁶⁴ It is unthinkable that Christ would have received in fact His own Body and Blood. Bonaventure answers this objection by stating that, as occurred in Baptism, Christ received the Eucharist "sacramentally" but not "spiritually"; that He received it not in rem (in the thing itself); and that the reason for his receiving the Eucharist at all was to induce the disciples to partake after Him of this astounding Food and Drink. (Cf. IV "Sent.," a. 1, q. 4, conclusio.)

²⁶⁵ Jn. 14:6.

²⁶⁶ As Bonaventure explains below, those who come unworthily are deprived, not of the real presence of Christ in the Eucharist, but of the healing effect of that presence. He makes this point very clear in IV "Sent.," d. 9, a. 2, q. 1, conclusion: "The wicked really partake of the Body of Christ, but without union in the Mystical Body."

²⁶⁷ ibid. 1:14.

²⁶⁸ Bonaventure believes in the existence of sacraments in the Old Testament, prefiguring those in the New. In that sense, it may be said that there existed, before the incarnation, sacramental graces corresponding to penance and procreation.

²⁶⁹ cf.Mt.4:17; cf. Jn. 2:1ff.; cf. Mk. 10:2-12.

²⁷⁰ Mk. 6:13.

²⁷¹ cf. Mt. 19:13; cf. Acts 1:5.

²⁷² This should read: Baptism, Orders, Holy Eucharist.

²⁷³ cf.Mt3:13; 28:19; Mk. 1:9; 16:15; Jn. 3:5; cf. Mt. 3:13; 28:19; Mk. 1:9; cf. Jn. 20:22f.; Lk. 22:19; 1 Cor.11:24f. cf. Jn. 12:24f.

²⁷⁴ cf. Mt. 26.26-29; Mk. 14:22-25; Lk. 22:14:20; 1 Cor. 11:23-25.

²⁷⁵ Bonaventure certainly knew that the parties to a marriage are the ministers of the sacrament of matrimony, while the priest is a witness conferring a sacramental blessing, for this is the teaching of the Church since its early days. We have here just one more example of Bonaventure's condensed style which takes much for granted in the mind of the reader.

When Bonaventure writes in the following sentence that the "heretical" may be the ministers of valid sacraments, he refers to those who disagree on matters of dogma but who fully believe in the seven sacraments. In the case of sacraments requiring Orders, he refers to those heretics who possess valid Orders. Hence, we should not confuse them with members of many sects of our times who reject most of the sacraments and have no valid Orders.

A further difficulty concerns the phrase "those within the Church or outside it." The logical sequence would seem to indicate that this refers, to the spiritual state, not of the recipients, but of the ministers. On the other hand, the explanation that follows seems to apply, not to the ministers, but to the recipients, for Bonaventure writes later: "If the administration of the sacraments were reserved to the virtuous . . . one man's sin might hamper the salvation of another." Furthermore, there seems to be no clue to indicate the meaning of the phrase itself. Does it mean "Both those in the state of grace and those in the state of mortal sin," or "both the faithful and the heretical"?

In the development of this point, page 239, it seems again that "those within the Church and those without" refers, not to the recipients, but to the ministers. But if the effect of sacraments conferred by "those without" is suspended, as explained at the end of the first paragraph, the sin of one man will, in fact, "hamper the salvation of another."

The explanation of all this may be hidden somewhere in the depths of the Commentaries; so far, it has not been found.

²⁷⁶ When Bonaventure writes here "the dignity of order," he could not possibly mean "the relative dignity of sacramental Orders," since he is referring to the ministers of the sacraments, including laymen who are not ordained. Hence, "the dignity of order" should be understood to mean the relative rank of bishop, priest, and layman. It is possible also that "the dignity of order" is merely an erroneous transposition, for in the development, we have "the order of dignity" (see page 239).

²⁷⁷ Ps. 73:12.

²⁷⁸ It seems surprising that Bonaventure should here disregard the fact that the vital function of Orders is to give the powers of consecration and absolution to the ordained. The greatest sacrament being undoubtedly the Holy Eucharist, the present division into three categories seems artificially made up for the sake of symmetry. Likewise, since the first and fundamental sacrament, Baptism, is relegated to the last category, "as being least," there is no way in which the stated order could be accepted. See Bonaventure's own text, pp. 243,244.

²⁷⁹ Eccl 9:1.

²⁸⁰ See footnote to page 200.

²⁸¹ cf. Gn. 2:8 cf.; ibid. 10ff; cf. Mt. I6:18f.

²⁸² By "matter" Bonaventure means here: that which is effected within the framework of identical circumstances.

²⁸³ This strict division indicates that the notion of the lay apostolate was entirely foreign to the medieval mind.

²⁸⁴ cf. Mt. 28:19.

²⁸⁵ The word "Amen" is not found in present-day rituals.

²⁸⁶ 1 Cot. 15:4.

²⁸⁷ cf. Acts 2:38; 8:12, 16;10:48; 19:5.

²⁸⁸ cf. Col 1:13.

²⁸⁹ The word "Amen" is not found in present-day rituals.

²⁹⁰ cf. Mk. 12:30.

²⁹¹ 1 Тт. 1:5.

²⁹² 1 Cor. 11:29.

²⁹³ By restricting the offering to the body and blood of Christ, Bonaventure is not denying the fullness of the sacrifice of the incarnate Word, but merely employing the words of the institution of the Sacrament: "This is My body. . . . This is My blood. ..." Furthermore, in ancient writings, blood is taken to be the seat of life, and the sacrifice of blood means the complete sacrifice of life.

²⁹⁴ 1 Cor. 11:29.

²⁹⁵ The Revised Baltimore Catechism No. 2, Question 446, indicates that Extreme Unction also procures the remission of mortal sins when the sinner had at least imperfect contrition before falling into unconsciousness.

²⁹⁶ The rules for the administration of Extreme Unction are at present slightly different.

²⁹⁷ As the author explains in paragraph 5 below, ''adults" should be understood as meaning those who have attained the age of reason, being "capable of venial sin."

²⁹⁸ 1 Tm. 2:5; cf. Mt. 1:21; cf. Heb. 1:9.

²⁹⁹ The order should have been "conferred and received," as in the development which follows, since the reception is dependent upon the conferring, and not vice versa.

³⁰⁰ Jas. 5:15.

³⁰¹ As so often happens with the "Breviloquium," this dense passage is a summary of a complete article of the "Commentaries on the Sentences," and implies the following line of thought: Extreme Unction would seem to be reserved to the bishop, since its matter is oil consecrated by the bishop. However: 1) unlike Confirmation, it consists, not in an imposition of hands, reserved to the bishop, but in an act of healing, which pertains to the priest; 2) since there is the risk of not obtaining immediately the service of a bishop, its administration is entrusted to all priests; 3) some authors claim that it may be administered by simple laymen: this, however, is not the case, for unconsecrated hands should not touch the holy oil.

³⁰² Bonaventure mentions no age limit. Since Confirmation does not absolutely require a rational act on the part of the recipient, it may be conferred upon infants. In the Oriental Rite, in fact, it is generally administered to infants immediately after Baptism.

³⁰³ Canon Law prescribes tonsure where it is not in contrast with local customs. The preparatory state of psalmody no longer exists.

³⁰⁴ In this whole passage, the Latin has sometimes "discretio" and at other times "distinctio." Of the two possible interpretations of each word - the subjective capacity of right judgment, and the objective quality of being set apart - the latter alone is retained. Note also that this condition is the first to be developed below.

³⁰⁵ cf. Ps. 15:5.

³⁰⁶ This implies no formal pairing, each to each, of the seven sacramental graces dispensed by the ordained priest and the seven stages of Orders, but merely an indication of a general parallelism, both being seven in number and both rising to a culmination: the sacramental grace, to the Holy Eucharist, and the Orders, to the priesthood.

³⁰⁷ cf. 3 Kgs. 10:l8ff.

³⁰⁸ The function of cleansing is attributed to the Porter, the Acolyte, and the Exorcist; that of enlightenment, to the Reader, the Sub-deacon, and the Deacon. In his "Commentaries," Bonaventure himself admits that such a division is artificial since it corresponds to no intrinsic characteristic of the different minor Orders.

³⁰⁹ "Consummated as a single Order" is again reminiscent of the Ark of Noe. Cf. footnote p. 201.

³¹⁰ The expression "words concerning the future" refers to betrothal, while "words concerning the present" refers to marriage. (Cf. IV, "Sent.," d. 28, a. 1, q. 1, conclusion.)

³¹¹ The list of impediments is slightly different since the Council of Trent. Bonaventure's list is expressed in Latin verse.

³¹² Ecclus. 1:5*.

³¹³ See part I, chapter 1; part II, chapters 9f.; part III, chapter 1.

³¹⁴ Several passages of Bonaventure's writings indicate his belief that, after the fall, there was something intrinsically evil in the union of the sexes and even more in the pleasure attached to it. He is in accord with many Scholastics who, in this matter, were content to base their opinion on such writers as Basil, Augustine, Gregory, and Anselm. These Fathers were mainly concerned with protecting the chastity of religious novices, and in their eagerness to adduce every possible argument in defense of their position, were not always immune to the Manichean notion of the wickedness of the flesh and goodness of the spirit. Alexander of Hales and Duns Scotus, on the other hand, seem to be the chief early theologians to make a clear distinction between the sexual act, good in itself, and its abuses brought about by concupiscence. Even in some modern manuals of high reputation - for instance, Genicot and Salsmans, "Institutiones Theologiae Moralis," vol. 2, no. 497- the distinction is not made, the word "concupiscentia" standing for both lawful sexual desire and its sinful distortions. This lack of distinction necessarily leads to the contradictory statements which follow, that concupiscence must be both satisfied and healed.

The teaching of those whose main purpose is to extinguish the flame of passion cannot be considered the best source for a balanced study of the ethics of sex. The Quaracchi editors are well aware of this. It is they who point to the dissenting voices indicated above. Their general conclusion is: "It seems that such (Bonaventure's) teachings are consistent with the doctrines of the Fathers and of the Scholastics concerning the use of Matrimony - doctrines which are somewhat more severe than those now currently taught." (IV "Sent.," d. 31, a. 2, q. 1, scholion.)

³¹⁵ Mt. 19:16.

³¹⁶ The expression "union of the sexes" means here that a consummated marriage gives rise to impediments as regards the spouse's blood relations, and corresponds to affinity.

The last impediment, "breach of public honesty," merely means that for one who is betrothed it is against justice and decency to marry a first degree relative of his or her affianced as long as the betrothal agreement holds.

³¹⁷ cf. Mt. 19:6.

³¹⁸ The statement that God the Father shall judge, through our Lord Jesus Christ, differs in wording from the usual forms of the Creed.

³¹⁹ cf. Mt. 16:27; Ap.22.-12.

³²⁰ Ap. 13:8 etc.

³²¹ cf. Mt. 25:3lff.

³²² Cf. 2 Cor. 5:10.

³²³ 1 Cor. 13:12.

³²⁴ According to the Baltimore Catechism, venial sin does not deprive the soul of sanctifying grace. The expression "distortion of the divine image" as referring to venial sin means a slight disordering of the soul in regard to its proper end.

In the development of this thought in the same paragraph, Bonaventure links distortion and purification, indicating his belief that venial sin brings about some kind of stain. This does not seem to accord with contemporary thought (cf. Catholic Encyclopedia, under the topic "Sin").

³²⁵ This does not contradict the statement made in paragraph 2 above, that "they may at times be unaware of it." The idea is that, by depriving the souls of the consciousness of the place in which they are, the intense pains of purgatory remove their clear awareness that they are not in hell, without, for that, producing in them any fear that they might be there.

³²⁶ Spiritual goods in general are not diminished by being portioned out. Suffrages, however, have a specific value applicable principally to the chosen beneficiary. As to other souls, their remaining debts, lesser or greater, act as proportionate barriers to the full operation of the suffrages.

³²⁷ cf. Wis. 11:20.

³²⁸ 1 Cor.7:31.

³²⁹ cf. Gn. 7:1ff.; 2 Pt. 2:5; ibid. 3:6ff.

³³⁰ The Quaracchi editors seem to forget that Bonaventure attributes this sentence to Augustine, "The City of God," chapter 20. See IV "Sent.," d. 47, a. 2, q. 1, n. 4.

³³¹ cf. Mt. 24:29; Lk. 21:26.

³³² Bonaventure believed that the "bodies of the universe"- meaning the sun, moon, and other heavenly bodies which he thought to be incorruptible - would be rewarded first by receiving added brilliance and glory (which theory is based on Isaias 30:26, The light of the moon will be like that of the sun and the light of the sun will be seven times greater); then, by receiving repose (see paragraph 7, below).

³³³ cf.Wis.5:17.

³³⁴ cf. Mt. 24:29.

³³⁵ Now that the number of the elect is completed, the heavenly bodies, incorruptible by nature and thus eternal, may reach the perfection of immobility. The idea seems to be that their motion had been the measure of time, encompassing the centuries during which men had lived on earth; thus, as soon as time comes to an end, the motion of the heavenly bodies must cease.

³³⁶ Eph. 4:13.

³³⁷ cf. Lk. 21:18.

³³⁸ Cf. part I, chapter 6.

³³⁹ Wis. 5:20.

³⁴⁰ cf.Jn.5:29.

³⁴¹ Eph. 4:13.

³⁴² The "fullness of Christ," (pleroma) is generally understood in a mystical scnse. Bonaventure seems to interpret this passage in a sense that would make it refer to the physical age of Christ at the time of His resurrection, and to His physical stature.

³⁴³ cf. Mk. 9:43ff.

³⁴⁴ Ap. 14:11.

³⁴⁵ 2 Tm.2:13.

³⁴⁶ Mt. 5.26.

³⁴⁷ Ap. 14:10; cf. Soph. 1:12.

³⁴⁸ In ancient imagery, fire is considered both as a means of destruction and as a source of life.

³⁴⁹ cf. 1 Cor. 3:12ff.

³⁵⁰ Ap. 14:11.

³⁵¹ I Cor. 13:12.

³⁵² Rom. 1:20.

³⁵³ See above, part IV, chapters 8ff.

³⁵⁴ cf. Ps. 132:2*.

³⁵⁵ cf. 1 Cor.; 12:4ff.

³⁵⁶ Cf. footnote p. 113; also text, p. 303.

³⁵⁷ cf. Dn. 12:3.

³⁵⁸ 1 COR. 2:9.

³⁵⁹ Mt. 13:43.

³⁶⁰ ibid. 22:30.

³⁶¹ 1 Cor. 15:44.

³⁶² Wis. 5:15.

³⁶³ The Latin word "salus" means both salvation and health.

³⁶⁴ Ps. 36:39.

³⁶⁵ cf. ibid. 16:15*.

³⁶⁶ cf. ibid. 35:9*.

³⁶⁷ ibid.

³⁶⁸ cf. Mt. 25:21.

³⁶⁹ ibid 5:9; Ps. 81:6; Jn.10:34; cf. ibid. 12:26.

³⁷⁰ Rom. 8:17.

³⁷¹ Cf. Mt. 22:37.

³⁷² 1 Cor. 2:9.

³⁷³ cf. Jn. 16:24.

³⁷⁴ cf. Mt. 25:21.

³⁷⁵ Rom. 1:25.

³⁷⁶ This citation from Anselm is used, with some variations, at the end of "The Perfection of Life" (See Vol. I of present series) and of the "Soliloquium." (See Vol. III, to come.)

ⁱ Cf. Aristotle, "Analytica posteriora," I, 1ff.; and "Metaphysica," VI, text. 1ff.

ⁱⁱ Aristotle, "Metaphysica," II, text. 3.

ⁱⁱⁱ Augustine, "Contra Adimantum," 17.2.

^iv Augustine, "De Genesi ad litteram," 11:21; and "Epistolae," 55, 13:23.

^v Cf. Aristotle, "Physica," II, text. 24.

^vi Cf. Augustine, "De Genesi contra Manichaeos," I, 23:35.

^vii Cf. Augustine, "Epistolae," 138, 1:5.

^viii Cf. Augustine, "De doctrina Christiana," II, 41:62f.

^ix Cf. ibid., 6:7.; also, Clement of Alexandria, "Stromata," VI, 15.

^x Cf. Aristotle, "Ethica," II, 2.

^xi Cf. Aristotle, "Analytica posteriora," I, 7.

^xii Cf. ibid., 14.

^xiii Cf. Augustine, "De doctrina Christiana," III, 10:14ff.; and II, 9:14ff.

^xiv Augustine, "De utilitate credendi," 11:25.

^xv "Glossa ordinaria," on Psalm 61:12.

^xvi Augustine, "De Trinitate," XV, 4:6.

^xvii Cf. ibid., 5, 7:10.

^xviii Concerning the two emanations and three hypostases, cf. Bonaventure, I "Sententiarum," d. 2, q. 4; d. 9, q. 1; and d. 10, a. 1, q. 1; concerning relationships, notions, and properties, cf. ibid., d. 26, q. 4.

^xix Cf. ibid., d. 27, p. I, q. 2; and d. 28, q. 1ff.

^xx Cf. ibid., d. 27, p. II, q. 1ff; d. 31, p. II, a. 1, q. 1f.; and d. 37, p. II, dub. 2.

^xxi Cf. ibid., d. 10, a. 1-2; and d. 18, q. 5, particularly ad 4.

^xxii Cf. ibid., d. 22, q. 4.

^xxiii Cf. ibid., d. 5, a. 1, q. 1; d. 25, a. 1, q. 2, ad 3; and d. 33, q. 2, ad 5.

^xxiv Cf. ibid., d. 23, a. 1, q. 3.

^xxv Cf. ibid., loc. cit.

^xxvi Cf. ibid., d. 26, q. 1.

^xxvii Cf. Aristotle, "De praedicamentis"; also, Boethius, "De Trinitate," 4ff.

^xxviii Boethius, op. cit., 6; cf. Bonaventure, I "Sent.," d. 26, q. 2; d. 27, p. I, q. 3, ad 1-3; and d. 33, q. 1.

^xxix Cf. Bonaventure, I "Sent.," d. 22, dub. 3; d. 31, p. I, q. 2; and d. 24, a. 3, q. 1f.

^xxx Cf. ibid., d. 23, a. 1, q. 1-3; and d. 25, a. 1 and 2.

^xxxi Cf. ibid., d. 30, q. 1ff.; d. 22, q. 3; and d. 34, q. 3.

^xxxii Cf. ibid., d. 21, dub. 2; d. 14, a. 2, q. 1; and d. 15, p. II, q. 1ff.

^xxxiii Cf. ibid., d. 16.

^xxxiv Cf. ibid., d. 15, p. I, q. 1-4.

^xxxv Cf. ibid., d. 37, p. I, a. 3, q. 2.

^xxxvi Cf. ibid., d. 16, q. 3.

^xxxvii Cf. Augustine, "De Trinitate," II, 5:8.

^xxxviii Cf. Bonaventure, I "Sent.," d. 31, p. II, a. 1, q. 3.

^xxxix Hilarion, "De Trinitate," II, 1.

^xl Cf. Bonaventure, I "Sent.," d. 31, p. II, a. 2, q. 3.

^xli Cf. ibid., d. 34, q. 4; and d. 3, p. I, dub. 3-4.

^xlii Cf. ibid., IV, d. 14, p. II, a. 1, q. 1; also, Augustine, "De vera religione," 7:13; "De civitate Dei," XI, 28; and "De Trinitate," VI, 10:12.

^xliii Augustine, "De doctrina Christiana," I, 5:5.

^xliv Aristotle, "Physica," II, text. 31; "Metaphysica," III, and V, text. 3; "Ethica," I, 1; and I, "Magnorum moralium," 2f.

^xlv Richard of St. Victor, "De Trinitate," VI, 15.

^xlvi Anselm, "Cur Deus homo," I, 20; and "De fide Trinitatis," 5; cf. Bonaventure, I "Sent.," d. 42 and d. 43.

^xlvii Cf. Bonaventure, II "Sent.," d. 18, a. 1, q. 2.

^xlviii Cf. ibid., I, d. 35, dub. 3; d. 36, dub. 3; and d. 38-42.

^xlix Cf. ibid., IV, d. 43, a. 2, q. 1-3.

^l Cf. ibid., I, d. 27, p. II, q. 3f.; d. 35, q. 1ff.; and d. 36, a. 2, q. 1.

^li Cf. ibid., d. 39, a. 2, q. 1-3.

^lii Cf. ibid., d. 38, a. 2, q. 1; and d. 40, a. 2, q. 1.

^liii Cf. ibid., d. 8, p. II, q. 4.

^liv Cf. ibid., d. 45-48.

^lv Augustine, "De Trinitate," III, 4:9.

^lvi Cf. Bonaventure, I "Sent.," d. 48.

^lvii Cf. ibid., II, d. 37, a. 1, q. 1; and a. 2, q. 1.

^lviii Cf. Augustine, "De civitate Dei," VII, 30.

^lix Cf. Anselm, "Proslogium," 9-11; also, Augustine, "Enchiridion," 99:25.

^lx Cf. Bonaventure, I "Sent.," d. 41, a. 1, q. 2.

^lxi Cf. Bonaventure, II "Sent.," d. 1, p. I, a. 1-2.

^lxii Cf. ibid., I, d. 3, p. I, dub. 3.

^lxiii Cf. Augustine, "Enarrationes in psalmos," Ps. 29, 2:10.

^lxiv On "rationes seminales," cf. Bonaventure, II "Sent.," d. 7. p. II, a. 2, q. 1; d. 15, a. 2, q. 3, and dub. 3; and d. 18, a. 1, q. 2f.

^lxv Cf. ibid., II, d. 12, a. 2, q. 2; and d. 1, p. I, dub. 2 and 4.

^lxvi Cf. Augustine, "Epistolae," 55, 10:19ff.; "De Genesi ad litteram," IV, 9:16ff.; and ibid., 18:31ff.

^lxvii Cf. Bonaventure, II "Sent.," d. 12, a. 1, q. 2.

^lxviii Cf. ibid., d. 2, p. II, a. 1, q. 1; d. 14, p. I, a. 1, q. 1; and p. II, a. 1, q. 3.

^lxix Cf. ibid., d. 14, p. I, a. 1, q. 2, fundam. 6; and d. 17, a. 2, q. 2.

^lxx Cf. Aristotle, "De generatione et corruptione," I, text. 43-90; and ibid., 2, text. 1ff.

^lxxi Cf. Bonaventure, "Quaestiones de scientia Christi," q. 3, ad 8; and "Itinerarium mentis in Deum," 2:10; also, Boethius, "De arithmetica," I, 1f., and II, 40ff.

^lxxii Cf. Bonaventure, II "Sent.," d. 2, p. II, a. 1, q. 2; and d. 14, p. 2, a. 2, q. 2f.

^lxxiii Cf. ibid., d. 14, p. II, dub. 4.

^lxxiv Cf. ibid., d. 15, a. 1, q. 3; and d. 17, a. 2, q. 2f.

^lxxv Cf. Aristotle, "Physica," II, text. 24; also, Bonaventure, II "Sent.," d. 15, a. 2, q. 1; and d. 16, a. 1, q. 1.

^lxxvi Cf. Bonaventure, I "Sent.," d. 20, a. 2, q. 1; and d. 19, p. I q. 4.

^lxxvii Cf. ibid., II, d. 12, a. 1, q. 3.

^lxxviii Cf. Aristotle, "De anima," II, text. 68.

^lxxix Cf. Bonaventure, II "Sent.," d. 14, p. I, a. 1, q. 1.

^lxxx Cf. ibid., d. 12, a. 1, q. 2; and d. 13, a. 1, q. 1.

^lxxxi Cf. Hugh of St. Victor; also, Peter Lombard, II "Sent.," d. III, c. 1.

^lxxxii Cf. Augustine, "Confessiones," XII, 7:7.

^lxxxiii Cf. Bonaventure, II "Sent.," d. 3, p. I, a. 1, q. 1; and a. 2, q. 1ff.

^lxxxiv. Boethius. Cf. Bonaventure, I "Sent.," d. 25, a. 1, q. 2.

^lxxxv Augustine, "De libero arbitrio," III, 15:44.

^lxxxvi Peter Lombard, gloss on 2 Cor. 6:15.

^lxxxvii Cf. Bonaventure, "Itinerarium," 4:4; "De triplici via," prologue, 1, and chapter 3:14; and "Collationes in Hexaemeron," 22:25-27.

^lxxxviii Cf. Gregory, "Homiliae in Evangelia," II, homily 34:13; and II "Moralium," 3:3.

^lxxxix Cf. Augustine, "Confessiones," XIII, 2:3, and 8:9: "De Genesi ad litteram," I, 4:9ff.; IV, 22:39, and 26:43.

^xc Cf. Bonaventure, II "Sent.," d. 9.

^xci Cf. Gregory, "Homiliae in Evangelia," II, homily 34:14; also, Bonaventure, II "Sent.," d. 9, q. 4.

^xcii Cf. Bonaventure, II "Sent.," d. 17, a. 1, q. 1.

^xciii Cf. ibid., d. 19, a. 1, q. 1.

^xciv Cf. Anselm, "Monologium," 13.

^xcv Cf. Bonaventure, I "Sent.," d. 3, p. II, a. 1, q. 1; and II, d. 16.

^xcvi Cf. ibid., II, d. 25, p. I and II.

^xcvii Denis Pseudo-Areopagite, "De caelesti hierarchia," 4:3 and 8:2; and "De ecclesiastica hierarchia," 5:4.

^xcviii Bernard, "Sermones," 81 "In Cantica," 6.

^xcix Cf. Aristotle, "De caelo et mundo," I, text. 126.

^c Cf. Aristotle, "Elench.," 6; "De praedicamentis," chapter "De substantia"; "De anima," II, text. 24; also, Bonaventure, II "Sent.," d. 15, a. 1, q. 1, and d. 17, a. 1, q. 2.

^ci Cf. Aristotle, "De generatione et corruptione," I, text. 39ff.; and "De anima," II, text. 47ff.

^cii Cf. Bonaventure, II "Sent.," d. 24, p. I, a. 2, q. 1f.; also John Damascene, "De fide orthodoxa," II, 22.

^ciii Cf. Bonaventure, II "Sent.," d. 24, p. I, a. 2, q. 3.

^civ "Hypognosticon," II, 5:7, found among the works of Augustine; cf. Bonaventure, II "Sent.," d. 25, p. I, q. 3.

^cv Cf. Bonaventure, II "Sent.," d. 17, a. 2, q. 1-3.

^cvi Cf. ibid., d. 18, a. 1, q. 1, and d. 20.

^cvii Cf. ibid., d. 17, a. 2, q. 3.

^cviii Aristotle, "De anima," III, text. 38.

^cix Cf. Alexander of Hales, "Summa," p. II, q. 81, m. 2, quoting Ovid, "Metamorphosae," I, 84-86, and Augustine, "Quaestiones LXXXIII," q. 51, 9.

^cx Cf. Augustine, "De libero arbitrio," III, 18:51.

^cxi Augustine, "De Genesi ad litteram," VI, 25:36.

^cxii Cf. Augustine, op. cit., VIII, 4:8; "De civitate Dei," XIII, 20; and "Opus imperfectus contra Julianum," 30.

^cxiii Cf. Bonaventure, "Itinerarium," in toto.

^cxiv Cf. Bonaventure, II "Sent.," d. 17, dub. 2.

^cxv Cf. ibid., d. 24, p. II, dub. 3.

^cxvi Cf. Hugh of St. Victor, "De sacramentis," I, p. VI, 6.

^cxvii Cf. Bonaventure, II "Sent.," d. 17, dub. 5; also, Augustine, "De Genesi ad litteram," VIII, 6:12.

^cxviii Cf. Bonaventure, I "Sent.," d. 3, p. I, q. 2; p. II, a. 1, q. 1, ad 3; and II, d. 16, a. 2, q. 3.

^cxix Cf. Bonaventure, IV "Sent.," d. 49, p. I, q. 5.

^cxx Cf. Augustine, "De Genesi ad litteram," II, 8:16-20; and IV, 29:46, and 31:48.

^cxxi Cf. Hugh of St. Victor, "De sacramentis," I, 10:2.

^cxxii Cf. ibid., loc. cit.

^cxxiii Cf. Bonaventure, II "Sent.," d. 25, p. II, q. 3; and d. 34 and 35.

^cxxiv Cf. Augustine, "De civitate Dei," XI, 9.

^cxxv Cf. Bonaventure, I "Sent.," d. 3, p. I, dub. 3.

^cxxvi Cf. Augustine, "De civitate Dei," XIV, 11:2.

^cxxvii Cf. Augustine, "De libero arbitrio," II, 19:53; also, Bonaventure, I "Sent.," d. 35, dub. 6, and d. 34 and 36.

^cxxviii Augustine, "De vera religione," 14:27.

^cxxix Ibid., loc. cit.

^cxxx Cf. Bonaventure, II "Sent.," d. 1, p. I, a. 2, q. 1; and d. 34, a. 2, q. 1.

^cxxxi Cf. Augustine, "De civitate Dei," VII, 30.

^cxxxii Cf. Bonaventure, II "Sent.," d. 25, p. I, q. 6, ad 2.

^cxxxiii Cf. ibid., d. 25, ad 2, and dub. 3.

^cxxxiv Cf. Augustine, "De civitate Dei," XIV, 11:2.

^cxxxv Cf. Boethius, "De consolatione," IV, prose 6.

^cxxxvi Cf. part II, note 25.

^cxxxvii Cf. Bonaventure, II "Sent.," d. 30, a. 2, q. 1.

^cxxxviii Cf. ibid., d. 22, dub. 2.

^cxxxix Augustine, "Enchiridion," 93:23; cf. Bonaventure, II "Sent.," d. 33, a. 3, q. 1f.

^cxl Cf. Bonaventure, II "Sent.," d. 30, a. 1, q. 1.

^cxli Actually, Fulgentius, "De fide ad Petrum," 3:36 and 27:70; found among the works of Augustine. Cf. Bonaventure, II "Sent.," d. 33, a. 3, q. 1, arg. 1 and 2.

^cxlii Cf. Anselm, "De conceptu virginali et originali peccato," 23.

^cxliii Cf. Bonaventure, II "Sent.," d. 31, and d. 32, a. 3.

^cxliv Cf. ibid., d. 30, a. 2, q. 1.

^cxlv Actually, Fulgentius, op. cit., 2:16.

^cxlvi Cf. Bonaventure, II "Sent.," d. 32, a. 1; and III, d. 3, p. I.

^cxlvii Cf. Augustine, "De nuptiis et concupiscentia," I, 26:29.

^cxlviii Anselm, op. cit., 18.

^cxlix Cf. Bonaventure, II "Sent.," d. 41, a. 2, q. 2; and Aristotle, "De praedicamentis," chapter "De oppositis"; and "Topica," II, 3.

^cl Ambrose, "De paradiso," 8:39.

^cli Cf. Bonaventure, II "Sent.," d. 42, a. 2, q. 1.

^clii Cf. ibid., d. 21, dub. 4; and d. 41, a. 2, q. 1.

^cliii Cf. Augustine, "De Trinitate," 12:17f.

^cliv Cf. Bonaventure, II "Sent.," d. 42, dub. 3 and 4.

^clv Cf. Augustine, "De civitate Dei," XIV, 7:2; and "De beata vita," 11.

^clvi Cf. Bonaventure, II "Sent.," d. 36.

^clvii Augustine, "Enarrationes in psalmos," Ps. 57, 9:18.

^clviii Actually, cf. Augustine, "Contra adversarium legis et prophetarum," 24:51.

^clix Cf. Bonaventure, II "Sent.," d. 35.

^clx Anselm, "De concordantia gratiae et liberi arbitrii," 3:11.

^clxi Augustine, "De libero arbitrio," 9:26.

^clxii Ibid., 1:1.

^clxiii Cf. Gilbert Porret, "De sex principiis," chapter "De actione."

^clxiv Cf. Bonaventure, II "Sent.," d. 43.

^clxv Cf. Gregory, XXV "Moralium," 11:28; Isidore, "De summo bono," 17:3ff.; and Peter Lombard, II "Sent.," d. XXII, c. 4 in fine.

^clxvi Cf. Augustine, "De libero arbitrio," I, 12:26; and III, 3:7.

^clxvii Cf. Aristotle, "Ethica," III, 1; John Damascene, "De fide orthodoxa," II, 24; and Bonaventure, II "Sent.," d. 22, a. 2, q. 3.

^clxviii Cf. Bonaventure, IV "Sent.," d. 46, a. 2, q. 3.

^clxix Cf. Bonaventure, III "Sent.," d. 1, a. 2, q. 1 and 3; and d. 20, q. 1, 2 and 6, n. 5.

^clxx Cf. Augustine, "Sermones," 176 "De verbis Apostoli," 5:5.

^clxxi Cf. Bernard, "Sermones," 3 "in Vigilia Nativitatis Domini," 8; and 2 "In Nativitate Domini," 4.

^clxxii Cf. Irenaeus, "Contra haereses," IV, 20:4.

^clxxiii Cf. Augustine, "De vera religione," 16:30ff., and 55:110.

^clxxiv Cf. Bonaventure, I "Sent.," d. 27, p. II, q. 4.

^clxxv Cf. ibid., III, d. 1, a. 2, q. 3.

^clxxvi Aristotle, "Elench," I, 5.

^clxxvii Cf. Bonaventure, III "Sent.," d. 3-5.

^clxxviii Augustine, "Sermones," 196, 1:1; cf. 51, 11:8.

^clxxix Gregory, "Homiliae in Evangelia," II, homily 32:1; cf. Aristotle, "Ethica," 2:3.

^clxxx Cf. Bonaventure, III "Sent.," d. 2, dub. 4.

^clxxxi Cf. ibid., d. 4, a. 1, q. 1.

^clxxxii Cf. ibid., d. 2, a. 3, q. 1.

^clxxxiii Cf. Anselm, "Cur Deus homo," II, 8. Also, sermon "Ad fratres in eremo," 28, found among the works of Augustine.

^clxxxiv Cf. Bonaventure, III "Sent.," d. 1, a. 2, q. 4, and dub. 1.

^clxxxv Cf. Hugh of St. Victor, quoted in Bonaventure, IV "Sent.," d. 1, p. I, q. 5, fundam. 1.

^clxxxvi Bernard, "Sermones," 3 "In Vigilia Nativitatis Domini," 8.

^clxxxvii Bonaventure, III "Sent.," d. 13.

^clxxxviii Ibid., d. 12, a. 2, q. 1.

^clxxxix Ibid., d. 9, a. 1, q. 1.

^cxc Cf. Bonaventure, "Quaestiones . . . de scientia Christi," l:3ff.; 7, conclusio; and III "Sent.," d. 14.

^cxci Cf. Aristotle, "Analytica Posteriora," II, 18; and "Metaphysica," I, 1.

^cxcii Cf. Bonaventure, III "Sent.," d. 8, p. I, a. 3, q. 2, ad 5.

^cxciii Cf. ibid., d. 18; and d. 17, a. 2, q. 1.

^cxciv Cf. ibid., d. 20, q. 3f.; and ibid., IV, d. 15, p. I, q. 1.

^cxcv Cf. ibid., III, d. 15-18.

^cxcvi Cf. ibid., d. 19, a. 2, q. 2, quoting Augustine, "De civitate Dei," IX, 15.

^cxcvii Cf. Boethius, "De una Persona et duabus naturis," 8; also, Bonaventure, III "Sent.," d. 12, a. 2, q. 1, ad 4, and d. 16, a. 1, q. 3, ad 2.

^cxcviii Cf. Bonaventure, II "Sent.," d. 22, dub. 2, quoting Bede.

^cxcix Cf. Hugh of St. Victor, "De quatuor voluntatibus in Christo"; also, Bonaventure, I "Sent.," d. 48, a. 2, q. 2, and III, d. 17, a. 1, q. 3.

^cc Cf. Bonaventure, III "Sent.," d. 16.

^cci Cf. ibid., d. 21.

^ccii Cf. ibid., a. 1, q. 1, fundam. 1, quoting Augustine and John Damascene.

^cciii Cf. Bonaventure, III "Sent.," d. 20, q. 5.

^cciv Anselm, "Cur Deus homo," c. 2 and 20; also, Bonaventure, IV "Sent.," d. 15, p. I, q. 1, and p. II, a. 1, q. 1.

^ccv Cf. Bonaventure, III "Sent.," d. 18, a. 2, q. 3.

^ccvi Cf. gloss on Ps. 109:1.

^ccvii Cf. Bonaventure, III "Sent.," d. 18, a. 2, q. 3.

^ccviii Cf. Bede, gloss on Mark 15:33.

^ccix Cf. Bonaventure, II "Sent.," d. 26, q. 1f.

^ccx Cf. ibid., q. 3 and 4; also, ibid., I, d. 14, a. 2, q. 2.

^ccxi Cf. ibid., I, d. 14, a. 2, q. 1.

^ccxii Cf. ibid., II, d. 29, a. 1, q. 1.

^ccxiii Augustine, "Enchiridion," 32:9.

^ccxiv Augustine, "Epistolae," 186, 3:10.

^ccxv Cf. Bonaventure, I "Sent.," d. 37, p. I, a. 1, q. 1; and II, d. 37, a. 1, q. 1 and 2.

^ccxvi Cf. ibid., II, d. 36, dub. 5; and d. 41, a. 1, q. 1.

^ccxvii Avicenna, "Metaphysica," 6:3.

^ccxviii Cf. Bonaventure, II "Sent.," d. 3, p. 2, a. 1, q. 2, footnote 6.

^ccxix Cf. ibid., d. 17, p. I.

^ccxx Cf. part III, note 28, above.

^ccxxi Cf. Bonaventure, II "Sent.," d. 26, q. 4.

^ccxxii Cf. part I, note 45, above.

^ccxxiii Cf. Bonaventure, IV "Sent.," d. 4, p. I, dub. 2.

^ccxxiv Augustine, "Sermones," 169, 11:13.

^ccxxv Augustine, "Enarrationes in psalmos," Ps. 70, c. 2:5; Ps. 102, c. 7; letter 194, 5:19; "Sermones," 170, 10:10; "De gratia et libero arbitrio," 6:15.

^ccxxvi "Hypognosticon," III, 11; attributed to Augustine.

^ccxxvii Cf. Bonaventure, II "Sent.," d. 27, a. 1, q. 1f.

^ccxxviii Cf. ibid., III, d. 22-33.

^ccxxix Cf. ibid., d. 36.

^ccxxx Cf. Aristotle, "De anima," II, text. 33.

^ccxxxi Cf. Bonaventure, III "Sent.," d. 34, p. I, a. 1, q. 1.

^ccxxxii Cf. Augustine, "De Genesi contra Manichaeos," 10:14.

^ccxxxiii Cf. Anselin, "De conceptu virginali et originali peccato," 3, and "De veritate," 12.

^ccxxxiv Cf. Bonaventure, III "Sent.," d. 23, a. 2, q. 5.

^ccxxxv Cf. ibid., d. 34-35.

^ccxxxvi Jerome, "Epistolae," 82 (alias 62):11.

^ccxxxvii Cf. Origen, "Homiliae," 2 "In Genesi," 5; and Gregory, "Homiliae," 4 "In Ezechiel," 16f.

^ccxxxviii Cf. Bonaventure, III "Sent.," d. 34, p. I, a. 1, q. 1, and a. 2, q. 1.

^ccxxxix Cf. ibid., d. 36, q. 1, scholion.

^ccxl Cf. Bonaventure, I "Sent.," d. 2, q. 4, scholion.

^ccxli Cf. "Compendium theologiae veritatis," V, 56. Found among the works of Bonaventure.

^ccxlii Cf. Augustine, "De Genesi ad litteram," XII, 6:15ff.

^ccxliii Cf. Bonaventure, "Itinerarium," I, quoting "De spiritu et anima," 10-14, found among the works of Augustine.

^ccxliv Cf. Bonaventure, III "Sent.," d. 23, a. 2, q. 3, and ad 6; "Quaestiones ... de scientia Christi," 7; "De triplici via," 3, and "Itinerarium," 7.

^ccxlv Cf. Bonaventure, III "Sent.," d. 23-25.

^ccxlvi Cf. ibid., d. 25, a. 1, q. 1.

^ccxlvii Cf. ibid., d. 23, a. 1, q. 3; d. 24, a. 1, q. 2; and d. 25, a. 1, q. 1ff.

^ccxlviii Cf. ibid., d. 28-29.

^ccxlix Cf. Augustine, "De doctrina Christiana," I, 23:22.

^ccl Cf. ibid., 32:35.

^ccli Cf. Bonaventure, III "Sent.," d. 27, a. 1, q. 1-3 and dub. 1.

^cclii Cf. ibid., dub. 2.

^ccliii Cf. ibid., d. 37, a. 1, q. 1.

^ccliv Cf. ibid., d. 40, q. 1-3.

^cclv Plato, "De republica," 1; Aristotle, "Ethica," V, 1, and "De virtutibus et vitiis," 2.

^cclvi Cf. Bonaventure, III "Sent.," d. 37, a. 2, q. 1ff.

^cclvii John Damascene, "De fide orthodoxa," III, 24.

^cclviii Cf. Bonaventure, IV "Sent.," d. 15, p. II, a. 2, q. 3.

^cclix Cf. ibid., d. 45, a. 3, q. 1.

^cclx Cf. Bonaventure, I "Sent.," d. 1, p. I.

^cclxi Isidore, VI "Etymologiarum," 19:40.

^cclxii Hugh of St. Victor, "De sacramentis," I, IX, 2.

^cclxiii Ibid., 4.

^cclxiv Peter Lombard, IV "Sent.," d. 1, c. 5.

^cclxv Aristotle, "De anima," II, text. 49.

^cclxvi Cf. Bonaventure, IV "Sent.," d. 1, p. II, and d. 2, a. 1, q. 1f.

^cclxvii Augustine, "Contra Faustum," IX, 13; cf. Hugh of St. Victor, "De sacramentis," I, VIII, 12, and XI, 6.

^cclxviii Cf. Hugh of St. Victor, "De sacramentis," I, XI, 6.

^cclxix Ibid., loc. cit.

^cclxx Ibid., loc. cit.

^cclxxi Ibid., 4.

^cclxxii Cf. Bonaventure, IV, "Sent.," d. 1, p. I, q. 2, a. 4.

^cclxxiii Cf. ibid., d. 2, a. 1, q. 3.

^cclxxiv "Commentaria in Marcum," 9:28; found among the works of Jerome.

^cclxxv Cf. Bonaventure, IV "Sent.," d. 3, p. II, a. 1, q. 1; d. 7, a. I, q. 1f.; d. 8, p. I, a. 2, q. 1-3, and dub. 4; d. 17, p. II, a. 1, q. 1-3; d. 23, a. 1, q. 2, etc.

^cclxxvi Cf. ibid., IV, d. 1, p. I, q. 2; and d. 4, p. I, a. 2, q. 2f.

^cclxxvii Cf. ibid., d. 6, p. II, a. 2.

^cclxxviii Cf. ibid., d. 7, a. 1, q. 3.

^cclxxix Cf. ibid., d. 25, a. 1.

^cclxxx Cf. ibid., d. 13, a. 1, q. 1ff.

^cclxxxi Cf. ibid., d. 17, p. III, a. 1; and d. 19.

^cclxxxii Cf. ibid., d. 23, a. 2, q. 2.

^cclxxxiii Cf. ibid., d. 5, a. 1-2.

^cclxxxiv Cf. ibid., d. 27, a. 2, q. 1; and d. 28, q. 5.

^cclxxxv Augustine, "De baptismo contra Donatistas," IV, 1-2.

^cclxxxvi Cf. Bonaventure, IV "Sent.," d. 6, p. I (particularly, q. 4 and 6); d. 7, a. 3, q. 3; and d. 24, p. II, a. 1, q. 1ff.

^cclxxxvii Cf. Augustine, op. cit., I, 1-2.

^cclxxxviii Innocent III, C. "Veniens," (3), X, (Book III, title 43); and C. "Tuae litterae," (1), X, (Book V, title 29).

^cclxxxix Cf. Bonaventure, IV "Sent.," d. 3-5; and d. 6, p. II, a. 3.

^ccxc Cf. Aristotle, "De caelo et mundo," I, text. 32; and "De anima," III, text. 45.

^ccxci Cf. Bonaventure, IV "Sent.," d. 3, p. I, a. 2, q. 2, scholion.

^ccxcii Cf. ibid., d. 5, a. 1, q. 1, casus 3.

^ccxciii Aristotle, "Topica," I, c. 6.

^ccxciv Peter Lombard, II "Sent.," d. XXX, c. 9.

^ccxcv Cf. Bonaventure, IV "Sent.," d. 7.

^ccxcvi Cf. Averroes, "Destructio destructionum," disp. met. I, dub. 22; Avicenna, "Metapliysica," I, 9.

^ccxcvii Aristotle, "Physica," II, text. 88ff.

^ccxcviii Surius, "Historia seu vita sanctorum," ("Passio sancti Andreae").

^ccxcix Cf. Bonaventure, IV "Sent.," d. 8-13.

^ccc Cf. ibid., d. 14-22.

^ccci Jerome, "Epistolae," 130 (alias 8):9.

^cccii Cf. Bonaventure, IV "Sent.," d. 14, p. I, dub. 4.

^ccciii Cf. ibid., d. 23.

^ccciv Aristotle, "Physica," II, text. 88.

^cccv Cf. Bonaventure, IV "Sent.," d. 24, a. 2, q. 2, concl. 1.

^cccvi Cf. ibid., d. 24-25.

^cccvii Peter Lombard, IV "Sent.," d. XXIV, c. 13.

^cccviii Cf. Isidore, VII "Etymologiarum," 12:3; "De officiis ecclesiasticis," II, 12; and "Epistola ad Ludifredum."

^cccix Cf. Bonaventure, I "Sent.," d. 2, q. 4, scholion.

^cccx Cf. ibid., IV, d. 24, p. 2, q. 4, concl.

^cccxi Cf. Bonaventure, "Quaestiones . . . de perfectione evangelica," q. 4, a. 3.

^cccxii Cf. Bonaventure, IV "Sent.," d. 26-42.

^cccxiii Justinian, "Institutes," I, 9, "De patria potestate."

^cccxiv Cf. Augustine, "De Genesi ad litteram," 7:12.

^cccxv Cf. ibid., loc. cit.

^cccxvi Cf. Bonaventure, IV "Sent.," d. 26, a. 2, q. 2; and d. 31, a. 2, q. 1.

^cccxvii Cf. ibid., d. 27, a. 2, q. 1f.

^cccxviii Cf. ibid., d. 27, dub. 5.

^cccxix Cf. part III, note 45.

^cccxx Cf. Bonaventure, IV "Sent.," d. 41, praenotata.

^cccxxi Cf. Bonaventure, IV "Sent.," d. 43, a. 2-3, and d. 48.

^cccxxii Cf. Gregory, "Homiliae in Evangelia," II, homily 21:3.

^cccxxiii Cf. Augustine, "De Trinitate," XIV, 8:11.

^cccxxiv Cf. Augustine, "De civitate Dei," VII, 30.

^cccxxv Cf. ibid., 20:14.

^cccxxvi Cf. Bonaventure, IV "Sent.," d. 20, p. I.

^cccxxvii Cf. ibid., d. 44, p. II, a. 3, q. 2.

^cccxxviii Augustine, "De civitate Dei," XXI, 26:4.

^cccxxix Cf. Bonaventure, IV "Sent.," d. 21, p. II, a. 2, q. 1; and a. 1, q. 2.

^cccxxx Cf. Augustine, "Enchiridion," 109:29.

^cccxxxi Cf. Bonaventure, IV "Sent.," d. 15, p. II.

^cccxxxii Cf. Gregory, IV "Dialogorum," 55.

^cccxxxiii Augustine, "De cura pro mortuis agenda," 2:4.

^cccxxxiv Cf. Bonaventure, "Quaestiones. . . de perfectione evangelica," q. 4, a. 3, ad 9.

^cccxxxv Cf. Bonaventure, IV "Sent.," d. 47, a. 2; d. 48, a. 2.

^cccxxxvi Cf. Bonaventure, "Commentaria in Isaiam," 30:26.

^cccxxxvii Cf. Bonaventure, IV "Sent.," d. 43, a. 1; and d. 44, p. I.

^cccxxxviii Augustine, "De civitate Dei," XXII, 17.

^cccxxxix Augustine, "Enchiridion," 88:23.

^cccxl Cf. Aristotle, "Physica," I, text. 81; and Augustine, "De Genesi ad litteram," XII, 35:68.

^cccxli Cf. Bonaventure, IV "Sent.," d. 43, p. I, q. 3, a. 1, concl.

^cccxlii Augustine, "De civitate Dei," XXII, 14.

^cccxliii Aristotle, "De anima," II, text. 26.

^cccxliv Cf. Aristotle, "De generatione et corruptione," I, text. 35ff.; and II, text. 50.

^cccxlv Cf. part VI, note 31, above.

^cccxlvi Cf. Aristotle, op. cit., II, text. 70; and "Physica," V, text. 36.

^cccxlvii Cf. part II, note 39.

^cccxlviii Cf. Bonaventure, II "Sent.," d. 18, a. 1, q. 2.

^cccxlix Cf. ibid., IV, d. 44, p. II.

^cccl Cf. ibid., d. 50, p. II, a. 2.

^cccli Cf. part II, note nr. 25.

^ccclii Bernard, "Sermones," 11 "In Cantica," 5.

^cccliii Augustine, "De Genesi ad litteram," 35:68.

^cccliv Cf. Bonaventure, IV "Sent.," d. 33, a. 2, q. 3; and d. 49, p. I and II.

^ccclv Cf. part II, note 22.

^ccclvi Cf. Bonaventure, "Quaestiones . . . de scientia Christi," q. 4; and II "Sent.," d. 10, a. 2, q. 2.

^ccclvii Cf. Augustine, "De quantitate animae," 36:80; "De musica," VI, 5:13; and "Enarrationes in psalmos," Ps. 145, no. 5.

^ccclviii Boethius, "De consolatione," III, prosa 2.

^ccclix Anselm, "Proslogium," 24-25.